Race And Ethnicity In Society Essay
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Ethnicity and Crime Essay
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Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. Danowitz, M. Enacting inclusivity through engaged pedagogy: A higher education perspective. Delano-Oriaran, O. Estrada, F. Finn, J. Just practice: A social justice approach to social work. Oxford University Press. Ford, K. Shifting White ideological scripts: The educational benefits of inter-and intraracial curricular dialogues on the experiences of White college students.
Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 5 3 , Harbin, M. Race and Pedagogy Journal. Housee, S. Race Ethnicity and Education, 11 4 , — Kumashiro, K. Toward a theory of anti-oppressive education. Review of Educational research, 70 1 , Teaching and learning through desire, crisis, and difference: Perverted reflections on anti-oppressive education. The Radical Teacher, 58 , Leonardo, Z.
Race Ethnicity and Education, 13 2 , Lichty, L. Pursuing an ethical, socially just classroom: Searching for community psychology pedagogy. American journal of community psychology, 60 , Matias, C. The Urban Review, 48 1 , Smith College Studies in Social Work, 85 2 : Rothschild, T. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 31 1 , Respect differences? Challenging the common guidelines in social justice education. Democracy and Education, 22 2 , 1. Shahjahan, R. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 47 5 , Simpson, J. Reaching for justice: The pedagogical politics of agency, race, and change.
Smele, S. Doing feminist difference differently: intersectional pedagogical practices in the context of the neoliberal diversity regime. Teaching in Higher Education, 22 6 , Samuel, K. Creating More Caring University Classrooms. Meaningful Education in Times of Uncertainty, Sue, D. Racial microaggressions and difficult dialogues on race in the classroom. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15 2 , Suoranta, J. International Journal of Progressive Education, 2 3 , Sutherland, A. The role of theatre and embodied knowledge in addressing race in South African higher education. Studies in Higher Education, 38 5 , Tatum, B. Talking about race, learning about racism: The application of racial identity development theory in the classroom.
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Teaching in Higher Education, 17 2 , Teaching Race: Pedagogy and Practice. Vanderbilt University Center for Teaching. Common Challenges to Teaching Race For many of us, teaching racial courses related to racial justice are simultaneously among the most rewarding and most demanding parts of our academic life. Addressing Challenges Through Course Design Many of the challenges instructors encounter in teaching race can be addressed, in part, through intentional course design. Strategies for encouraging reflexivity include: Modelling reflexivity. In some settings, such modelling may require relatively little vulnerability. Yet in other settings, instructors may feel some discomfort making such disclosures. Acknowledging these feelings can be a way to normalize discomfort.
Addressing instructor positionality. While it is true that instructors of all backgrounds can be equally effective or ineffective in leading racial justice content, it also true that students will respond differently to instructors—at least initially—on the basis of their perceived race and other identities Housee, Providing assignments that require students to make connections between the course content and their lived experiences is another way to encourage reflexivity.
When do you first learn that you were a member of a racial group? When do you first learn that there were racial groups other than your own? How do you perceive your own race, and how is your race is perceived by others? Select a significant institution in your life ie. What have you learned from this institution about race? How might this have impacted relationships and identity? Scan your relationships with people who have been socialized into a different racial group than yourself. Thinking back to your childhood, what have been the nature of these relationships i. Have the types of changed over time?
What do you notice about the relationships in your life today? Principle 2: Prepare for and Welcome Difficulty It is arguable that all education—especially when challenging hegemonic beliefs—is necessarily a discomforting process. Strategies for preparing for difficulty include: Normalizing difficulty. Instructors may choose to include a statement on the syllabus reminding students that while repetition is comforting, learning new things—especially things that challenge previously held beliefs, is not Kumashiro, This also can be said in class, as appropriate. Assigning meta- cognitive reflections. These reflections can be shared in pairs or triads and then discussed among the class as a whole as a way to acknowledge and normalize the concerns students bring to the prospect of talking about race.
Utilizing critical learning journals. Critical learning journals can be a useful tool for students as they process their learning, while also encouraging students to be responsible for understanding their own emotional responses to course content and interactions. Principle 3: Meet Students Where They Are In considering how to teach racial justice content, instructors must consider the overall campus context as well as their individual students. Strategies for meeting students where they are include: Assessing student knowledge and preconceptions. The autobiographical journaling described above also functions as an assessment of student preconceptions. Charged with a duty to apprehend offenders, they are—and must be—prepared to use force.
Confrontations, often armed confrontations, in these circumstances are inevitable. Such confrontations will frequently involve white police and black suspects. As it turns out, when it comes to the use of force, the race of the police officer may not be significant. A study of police shootings in Chicago from to found that the demographics of the officers who fired their weapons matched the demographics of the police department. Whites were 51 percent of the shooters and 53 percent of the force; blacks were 23 percent of the shooters and 25 percent of the force.
In other words, there is no evidence that white police were more likely to discharge their weapons or that African American officers were less likely. This is especially noteworthy given the demographics of the shooting victims: 5 percent were white, 14 percent Hispanic, and an eye-popping 80 percent were black. Equally significant is the reason for the confrontation.
In the overwhelming majority of cases 77 percent , the police were reactive, not proactive. They were responding, in the typical scenario, to a call about a violent crime. In the proactive situation 23 percent of the shootings , the officer initiated the contact, e. One study showed that white police officers were no more likely than black officers to fatally shoot black civilians. In 80 percent of the shootings, the officer reported a gun threat, and in 60 percent a firearm was recovered.
In the remaining 20 percent, the officer said s he was threatened with a motor vehicle 12 percent , a weapon other than a gun 10 percent , or a physical attack 8 percent. Nowadays many mistrust police accounts, suspecting a cover-up or at least a slanting of the truth. But there is empirical and unbiased support for the police version of events. It comes in a recent study of fatal police shootings and it is to this study that I now turn. Psychologists led by David J. Johnson of the University of Maryland created a database of fatal shootings of civilians by police in They correlated various factors—characteristics of the police officer, the civilian who was shot, and the county in which the incident occurred—with the race of the victim.
First, they found no evidence of bias against victims of color. Thus, in the typical shooting, we did not find evidence of anti-Black or anti-Hispanic disparity. This accords with national data compiled by the Washington Post , not exactly a pro-police publication, for a five-year period The Post tallied 4, fatal shootings by police for which the race or ethnicity of the victim was known. Of these, 53 percent were white, 28 percent were black, and 20 percent were Hispanic. In other words, nearly twice as many whites as blacks were fatally shot by police. Professor Johnson and associates examined the incidents in detail to determine the reasons for the shootings.
Fryer found, after controlling for numerous factors, that blacks were A second major finding of the Johnson study was the absence of any correlation between the race of the officer and that of the victim. That is, after controlling for other factors, white police officers were no more likely than black officers to fatally shoot black civilians. In fact, the more black officers on a police force, the more African Americans were fatally shot. The most significant finding of all, though, was the correlation between violent crime and police shooting. The more violent crime by blacks in a county, the more blacks shot to death by police. In the words of the study:.
These results bolster claims to take into account violent crime rates when examining fatal police shootings. It is possible, of course, that police discriminate more when nonlethal force is involved. The Fryer study drew that very conclusion, finding, for instance, that police were 18 percent more likely to shove a black person than a white in similar circumstances. Unlike the Johnson study, in other words, Fryer did not correlate nonlethal force with the violent crime rate of minority groups.
American police must face down armed violent criminals. Often those violent threats come from young, male, urban African Americans. As long as that is the case there will be violent confrontations between police and black civilians. Nor will study commissions, police budget reductions, chokehold prohibitions, or the elimination of qualified immunity from civil suits, to mention a few of the proposals to curb police being bandied about. Some of these proposals may be wise, some not. But none will dramatically reduce the number of violent confrontations between police and African Americans.
This situation will change significantly when black violent crime rates decline significantly. It happened to Irish-Americans who committed crime at exceptionally high rates in the 19th century, and to Italian-Americans who did likewise in the early 20th century. As the United States continues to reduce obstacles to black social advancement, and as African Americans take advantage of the opportunities that this country affords them, their crime too will become a distant memory.
Bosch's manliness and stoic sense of duty combine with the absence of faith to make him serve those who need him without hoping for a just order. Race, Crime, and Police Violence Big city police are deployed in high numbers to low-income African American communities.