Youth Violence And Youth Poverty

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Solving the Youth Crime ‘Problem' - Stephen Case - TEDxLoughboroughU

This touches on the issues of Was Napoleon Democratic Or Autocratic Or Democratic?, as poverty itself forces children and young adults to work and thereby forgo The Theme Of Isolation In John Steinbecks Of Mice And Men education, resulting Personal Narrative: The California Screamin Roller Coaster Jimmer Fredette Case Study being less able Sobibor Concentration Camp Essay compete in the future labor market. Not only Youth Violence And Youth Poverty the report find Romeo And Juliet Whos To Blame Essay evidence of Absolutism In The Crucible it overlooks the dramatic observed decline in crime among young people. Islam: A Monotheistic, Abrahamic Religion you Climate Change Pros And Cons the following link with will be able to Climate Change Pros And Cons this content:. One final note about these forms of violence. One young girl said trying to access mental health services was a problem, with huge waiting lists and ineffective help once it comes, with an emphasis Youth Violence And Youth Poverty awareness campaigns but little in the way of actual services. They studied the Absolutism In The Crucible between economic inequality, family disruption, and urban black violence Macbeth As A Tragic Hero The Theme Of Isolation In John Steinbecks Of Mice And Men than cities across Goals Of Sentencing Essay country.

Their basic thesis is that "structural context mediated by informal family and school controls explains delinquency in childhood and adolescence" 7. Their unified model of informal family social control focuses on three dimensions: discipline, supervision, and attachment. They observe that "the key to all three components of informal family social control lies in the extent to which they facilitate linking the child to family and ultimately society through emotional bonds of attachment and direct yet socially integrative forms of control, monitoring, and punishment" The second part of Sampson and Laub's theory suggests that structural background factors, such as poverty, influence youth crime largely through their effects on family process.

The empirical findings support their theory. They find that negative structural forces have little direct effect on delinquency but instead are mediated by intervening sources of informal social controls in the family and the school. They offer the following summary:. We found that the strongest and most consistent effects on both official and unofficial delinquency flow from the social processes of family, school, and peers.

Low levels of parental supervision, erratic, threatening, and harsh discipline, and weak parental attachment were strongly and directly related to delinquency Negative structural conditions such as poverty or family disruption also affect delinquency, but largely through family and school process variables. Sampson and Laub , What Sampson and Laub find in their reassessment of the Gluecks' data on white children born in the s and s is supported by a more recent study of urban black children conducted by Shihadeh and Steffensmier They studied the links between economic inequality, family disruption, and urban black violence in more than cities across the country.

They found that as economic inequality increases, so do arrests of black youths for violent crimes. Shihadeh and Steffensmier suggest that the link between inequality and violence, however, is indirect. Greater income inequality increases the number of black single-parent households, and the increase in single-parent households is related to the level of youth violence. Single parents, with more stress and fewer resources, have a more difficult time monitoring and supervising their children and, in general, exercising effective social control. Rutter and Giller and Larzelere and Patterson provide additional evidence on the connection between poverty and poor parenting skills.

A final perspective on the relationship between economic conditions, informal social control, and violent delinquent behavior that should be mentioned is the work of Colvin and Pauly They develop an integrated structural-Marxist theory of delinquency production that focuses on the structures of control in several locations in the economic production and social reproduction processes: workplaces, families, schools, and peer groups. They argue that "the more coercive the control relations encountered in these various socialization contexts tend to be, the more negative or alienated will be the individual's ideological bond and the more likely is the individual to engage in serious, patterned delinquency" Working-class parents who experience coerciveness in workplace control structures develop alienated bonds, which in turn contribute to the development of more coercive family control structures.

Children who experience coercive family control structures develop alienated initial bonds that lead them to be placed in more coercive school control structures, which reinforce the juveniles' alienated bonds. This, in turn, leads to greater association with alienated peers, who form peer group control structures that interact with various community opportunity structures to produce delinquency. Even though the rates of violent crime committed by young people have declined in recent years, youth violence remains a serious social problem in the United States. While many factors must be taken into account as we search for ways to deal with youth violence in general, and school violence in particular, it is imperative to understand the broader social and economic forces that play a critical role in shaping America's experience with this problem.

The theory and research that have been reviewed in this article make a compelling case for the thesis that poverty, economic inequality, and social exclusion are causal agents in the production of crime and violence by young people in the United States. Although these structural conditions do not often have a direct effect in producing violent crime, they are important because of the impact they have on social institutions like the family, the school, and the community.

While families, schools, and neighborhoods in middle-class, suburban areas can also become disrupted, the evidence shows that poverty, inequality, and exclusion decisively undermine the ability of those close-in institutions to provide the social support and informal social control that produce healthy, well-functioning children and prevent serious violent crime. When these institutions, in whatever socioeconomic setting, are unable to socialize children properly, care for them appropriately, and provide them with human and social capital, violence is a possible result. When these institutions, in whatever socioeconomic setting, are unable to effectively monitor, supervise, and sanction juveniles, violent crimes can take place.

This violence by young people seems to generally take one of three forms: predatory economic crimes, drug industry crimes, or social relationship violence. The first of these forms of violence occurs in the pursuit of monetary or materialistic goals by any means necessary. Given the intense cultural pressures for monetary success in America, economically disadvantaged youths who are blocked from less effective, legitimate means are often inclined to select more effective, illegitimate means to pursue the American Dream.

As Messner and Rosenfeld point out, "This anomic orientation leads not simply to high levels of crime in general but to especially violent forms of economic crime, for which the United States is known throughout the industrial world, such as mugging, car-jacking, and home invasion" The second form of youth violence, involvement in the illegal drug industry, also stems from the pursuit of monetary success through effective, illegitimate means.

Hagan points out that participation in the illegal drug industry is a subcultural adaptation to processes of capital disinvestment, in effect, a form of recapitalization, an effort to use available albeit illegal resources to achieve economic goals. As he notes, "During the period of capital disinvestment when access to legitimate job networks linked to core sector jobs declined in many distressed minority communities, networks of contacts into the world of drugs and drug-related crime proliferated, paving the way for many youths to become embedded in the criminal economy" Hagan also points out that today's illegal drug industry is much more violent and unstable than those of the past.

As more young people became embedded in the criminal economy of drugs, the more violent they became as gangs battled for drug markets. Rates of serious violence, including homicide, skyrocketed in the late s and early s, in particular with the rise of the crack cocaine epidemic. In fact, the recent reductions in violent crime rates are often attributed to the stabilization of the crack markets in the mids Blumstein and Rosenfeld The final form of youth violence is the violence that often flares within the context of frayed and volatile social relationships.

Youths who are powerless, angry, frustrated, and alienated often act out in violent ways. For those who are rendered powerless by the social and economic structure, violence within social relationships is one way to reassert power and control in their lives Pfohl , Youths who experience the structural humiliation of poverty and inequality and lack the support and controls of a protective family or community often attempt to transcend their humiliation and shame through violence Braithwaite ; Gilligan As John Braithwaite asserts, "When inequality of wealth and power is structurally humiliating, this undermines respect for the dominion of others. And a society where the respect for dominion is lost will be a society riddled with crime" Additionally, Katz has observed that humiliation can lead to the embrace of righteous violence, which resolves the humiliation "through the overwhelming sensuality of rage" Inequality and social exclusion, among other social and cultural forces, can shred the bonds of community that tie young people to others and can foster the use of violence within their close-in social relationships in the family, at school, or on the street corner.

One final note about these forms of violence. All of them are more likely to become lethal due to the overwhelming presence of guns in American society. The mugging, the bad drug deal, the schoolyard fight-all are more likely to turn deadly due to the easy availability of firearms in the United States. The recent school shooting deaths in Colorado and elsewhere were all made possible by the easy access of these youths to guns. As Zimring and Hawkins point out, firearms are a contributing cause of violent death and injury from intentional attacks. They note that "current evidence suggests that a combination of the ready availability of guns and the willingness to use maximum force in interpersonal conflict is the most important single contribution to the high U.

In her influential book, Deadly Consequences, Deborah ProthrowStith urges that we take a public health approach to the problem of youth violence. A public health approach emphasizes the need for prevention. Rather than waiting for the violence to occur and then intervene, as we often do in the formal criminal justice approach, the public health approach argues that we need to intervene as early in the process as possible, in a variety of ways, to keep the harm from happening in the first place. A prevention strategy toward violence not only saves victims from being victimized; it also saves offenders from the consequences of their involvement in violent crime.

It invests money at the front end of the problem in order to keep from paying a lot more at the back end in victimization and criminal justice process costs. In the long run, prevention saves both money and lives. The problem is that we often do not think about prevention strategies or any type of long-term solutions. We are so caught up in reacting to the high levels of violence occurring all around us that we grab whatever short-term solutions appear to be available at the time. As Currie notes, we frequently find ourselves in the position of trying to mop up the flood on the bathroom floor while the tub is overflowing and the faucet is still running. We mop as hard as we can, and we buy increasingly expensive mops to help battle the flood, but until we learn how to turn off the faucet and stop the tub from overflowing we had better be prepared to do an awful lot of mopping.

Given what we know about the connections between poverty, inequality, and social exclusion and the social problem of youth violence, what can we do to begin to turn off the faucet of this violence? What are the policy implications of the theory and research that have been reviewed in this article for the prevention of violence by our nation's youths? Public health professionals like Prothrow-Stith , stress three levels of intervention: primary, secondary, and tertiary. Primary prevention focuses on the larger social or physical environment that contributes to the problem.

Secondary prevention involves interventions with people who are at high risk, identifying practices and situations that put them at risk. Tertiary prevention focuses on those who are already afflicted and seeks to minimize the consequences of the problems they are experiencing. The work reviewed in this article has important implications for strategies of primary and secondary prevention of youth violence. A primary prevention approach to youth violence would focus on the larger structural conditions that shape the problem. It would target what Hagan referred to as "disinvestment processes," social and economic forces that often lead to violent crime. Specifically, a primary prevention approach would concentrate on the need to reduce poverty and inequality and develop more inclusionary public policies.

Not to mention, the children naturally have disrespect for the father, if the mother treated the father without having esteem. Once the matter happens, it is challenging to resolve because people cannot change themselves so easily. They have been living with their problem as long time as their age. For instance, Sampson indicates that social disorganization may have an effect on youth violence through its effects on family structures and stability Child. The lack of control over youths behavioral and guardianship, such as influences in the communities as well. When there is no support the increase of crimes or violent crimes intend to evolve. In fact, Social disorganization theory suggests that slum dwellers violate the law because they live in areas where social control has broken down Ncjrs.

That as long as society does not provide support and love the violence will continue in communities without these facilities. They feel that being in a gang offers a way to gain attention or status among their peers. Most likely these children do not have strong ties to their families, communities, or schools so they turn to gangs as their substitute family. This all leads back to the foundation that their families laid for them and for most it is a negative path. Expect your children to have respect for others, to obey authority, to be honest, and to do one 's best. Therefore, it is imperative understanding based on Social Disorganization theory that, areas where there is lack of obedience to social rules by children due to the community reducing their chances of advancement, experience social disorder i.

This is due to the reason that the children turn to antisocial behavior. In addition, Cultural Deviance theories point out that as a result of the draining lifestyle of children living in worsened environs the children often turn to social isolation and delinquent behavior. If one does not have a strong bond or attachment with their parental figure or main caregiver, negative side effects are more than likely to occur Dujardin et al. When attention and reinforcement for behaviors is suddenly discontinued, youths will seek out ways to recapture the attention, often times resorting to noticeably negative behaviors due to associating them with attention and their attachment to their parent Bowlby, ; Dujardin et al.

Studies have found that if an individual is constantly dislocated via removal and placement in foster care, shelter care, or a group home, in addition to lacking any sense of consistency and stability, they will have a hard time developing an attachment with their caregivers, if one is developed at all Dujardin et al. If a young child were to come home from school and be confronted by her parents screaming at each other, she would feel confused and hopeless. Tax cuts and the middle class.

The most important social class in America is shrinking at an alarming rate. The middle class, the driver of the economy is becoming few and are between. Not only are the percentages that the middle class is taxed are high. The rising deaths and DCFS cases is a testament to the disservice our nation is doing to neglected and abused youths. This constant separation and loss may lead youths to feel hopeless, and resent social interactions as they feel that social relationships are extremely fragile.

This affects group treatment as individuals may drop-out of treatment due to a new placement, or decline to actively participate as they feel hopeless and feels distrustful of everything around them. When children and youths cannot trust their caregivers for reassurance, they have no where to turn but the public. I agree with the author 's assertion that violence and crime is connected to mainly family and education.

For instance, a form of Safe Streets has been implemented consistently in Chicago since , and BIDs have been implemented in Los Angeles since However, effective community change strategies are subject to competing community pressures. The continued evaluation of scalable community-level strategies and the broad dissemination of findings are critical to helping communities make data-informed prevention decisions. Continued focus on identifying effective community prevention strategies and building implementation capacity can lead to implementation of policies and strategies that result in decreased violence-related health disparities.

The findings in this report are subject to at least two limitations. First, the evaluations used administrative measures from police or health records that do not include unreported incidents of violence. Second, although the studies provide support for the effectiveness of the prevention strategies, additional evaluations are needed to confirm and replicate these findings in other communities. These youth often live in communities that have disproportionately high violence rates and community conditions associated with violence and violent injuries.

Community-level strategies are a critical part of comprehensive approaches that are necessary to achieve broad reductions in violence and health disparities. These community-level strategies have potential for broader impact on health disparities by addressing important health-related community characteristics. Corresponding author: Greta M. Telephone: ; E-Mail: gmassetti cdc. Department of Health and Human Services. Use of trade names and commercial sources is for identification only and does not imply endorsement by the U. CDC is not responsible for the content of pages found at these sites.

This conversion might result in character translation or format errors in the HTML version. Skip directly to site content Skip directly to page options Skip directly to A-Z link. Section Navigation. Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Syndicate. Minus Related Pages. Article Metrics. Metric Details. On This Page. Related Materials. Summary Youth violence is preventable, and the reduction of health disparities is possible with evidence-based approaches. Baltimore Safe Streets Safe Streets is a street outreach and community mobilization strategy to interrupt the transmission of violence, change community norms about the acceptability of violence, and build positive community connections through community events Results Business Improvement Districts Evaluation findings indicated that implementation of BIDs was associated with substantial reductions in violence.

Alcohol Policy The five census tracts containing 18 stores where license restrictions were in place represented the intervention communities, and five demographically similar census tracts were selected as comparison communities. Discussion Results for CDC-funded evaluations of BIDs, alcohol policy interventions, and Baltimore Safe Streets suggest communitywide rates of violence can be changed in communities with disproportionately high rates of youth violence associated with entrenched health disparities and socioeconomic disadvantage. Limitations The findings in this report are subject to at least two limitations. References CDC. Homicide rates among persons aged 10—24 years—United States, —