Was Hamlets Actions Justified

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Was Hamlets Actions Justified

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Practices exist in tension with these institutions, since the institutions tend to be oriented to goods external to practices. Universities, hospitals, and scholarly societies may value prestige, profitability, or relations with political interest groups above excellence in the practices they are said to support. MacIntyre finds that this first level definition is inadequate to describe an excellent human agent. It is not enough to be an excellent navigator, physician, or builder; the excellent human agent lives an excellent life. Excellence as a human agent cannot be reduced to excellence in a particular practice See AV , pp.

MacIntyre therefore adds a second level to his definition of virtue. The virtues therefore are to be understood as those dispositions which will not only sustain practices and enable us to achieve the goods internal to practices, but which will also sustain us in the relevant kind of quest for the good, by enabling us to overcome the harms, dangers, temptations, and distractions which we encounter, and which will furnish us with increasing self-knowledge and increasing knowledge of the good AV , p. The excellent human agent has the moral qualities to seek what is good and best both in practices and in life as a whole. MacIntyre rejects individualism and insists that we view human beings as members of communities who bear specific debts and responsibilities because of our social identities.

The enslavement and oppression of black Americans, the subjugation of Ireland, and the genocide of the Jews in Europe remained quite relevant to the responsibilities of citizens of the United States, England, and Germany in , as they still do today. The virtues find their point and purpose not only in sustaining those relationships necessary if the variety of goods internal to practices are to be achieved and not only in sustaining the form of an individual life in which that individual may seek out his or her good as the good of his or her whole life, but also in sustaining those traditions which provide both practices and individual lives with their necessary historical context AV , p.

The loss of teleology makes morality appear arbitrary AV , p. In other words, those who approach moral and political philosophy in terms of the development of the human agent and the advancement of practical reasoning in the context of the life of a community cannot succeed in their task if they compromise their work by committing themselves to the arbitrary goals, methods, and language of modern politics. This fault remains invisible from a modern viewpoint, but when viewed from the perspective of the Aristotelian tradition of the virtues, it is quite clear AV, pp. Revolution cannot be imposed AV , p. This modern approach may be described as moral epistemology. Modern moral philosophy pretends to free the individual to determine for her- or himself what she or he must do in a given situation, irrespective of her or his own desires; it pretends to give knowledge of universal moral laws.

MacIntyre rejects modern ethical theories as deceptive and self-deceiving masks for conventional morality and for arbitrary interventions against traditions. This claim remains controversial for two different, but closely related reasons. A few years after the publication of AV, MacIntyre became a Thomist and accepted that the teleology of human action flowed from a metaphysical foundation in the nature of the human person WJWR, ch. Nonetheless, MacIntyre has the main points of his ethics and politics of human action have remained the same. MacIntyre continues to argue toward an Aristotelian account of practical reasoning through the investigation of practice.

Even though he has accepted Thomistic metaphysics, he seldom argues from metaphysical premises, and when pressed to explain the metaphysical foundations of his ethics, he has demurred. MacIntyre continues to argue from the experience of practical reasoning to the demands of moral education. Knight examined the ethics and politics of human action found in Aristotle and traced the development of that project through medieval and modern thought to MacIntyre.

MacIntyre describes this culturally relative, even subjective characteristic of rationality in the first chapter of WJWR :. So rationality itself, whether theoretical or practical, is a concept with a history: indeed, since there are also a diversity of traditions of enquiry, with histories, there are, so it will turn out, rationalities rather than rationality, just as it will also turn out that there are justices rather than justice WJWR , p.

The resolution of the problem of relativism therefore appears to hang on the possibility of judging frameworks or rationalities, or judging between frameworks or rationalities from a position that does not presuppose the truth of the framework or rationality, but no such theoretical standpoint is humanly possible. Nonetheless, MacIntyre finds that the world itself provides the criterion for the testing of rationalities, and he finds that there is no criterion except the world itself that can stand as the measure of the truth of any philosophical theory.

So MacIntyre balances the relativity of rationality against the objectivity of the world that we investigate. As Popper and Lakatos found in the philosophy of science, MacIntyre concludes that experience can falsify theory, releasing people from the apparent authority of traditional rationalities. MacIntyre holds that the rationality of individuals is not only tradition-constituted, it is also tradition constitutive, as individuals make their own contributions to their own rationality, and to the rationalities of their communities. Rationality is not fixed, within either the history of a community or the life of a person.

Problems exposed by anomalous data or by conflicts with other traditions, other communities, or other people may prove rationally insoluble under the constraints that a given tradition places on rationality. Such events, when fully recognized, demand creative solutions, and it may happen that some person or group will discover what appears to be a more adequate response to those problems. This qualified relativism of appearances has troublesome implications for anyone who believes that philosophical enquiry can easily provide certain knowledge of the world. Our theories always remain open to improvement, and when our theories change, the appearances of our world—the apparent truths of claims judged within those theoretical frameworks—change with them.

From the subjective standpoint of the human enquirer, MacIntyre finds that theories, concepts, and facts all have histories, and they are all liable to change— for better or for worse. He summarizes the main points of his theory in chapter 1. The inhabitants of these traditions work to deepen, correct, and extend the claims and theories of their predecessors. Chapter 17 examines the modern liberal denial of tradition, and the ironic transformation of liberalism into the fourth tradition to be treated in the book. We can only struggle together in our quests for justice and truth and each community consequently frames and revises its own standards of justice and rationality.

The thesis that rationalities and justices arise from the histories and traditions of communities sets MacIntyre squarely at odds with all modern philosophy, and particularly with the unacknowledged imperialism of any form of metaethics that would offer a neutral, third-party forum in which to adjudicate the practical differences between contending moral traditions by the peculiar standards of modern liberal individualism. The same thesis also appears to set MacIntyre at odds with the traditions of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas—traditions he claims to accept and defend—which make unambiguous claims about the universal nature, true reason, and objective justice.

The book therefore has two tasks. On the one hand, the book relates the histories of particular rationalities and justices in a way that undermines the abstract universal notions of reason and justice that provide the foundations for modern moral and political thought. On the other hand, the book provides prima facie evidence. In short, the book offers an internal critique of modernity, arguing that it is incoherent by its own standards, and it offers an internal justification of Thomism, holding that Thomism is rationally justified, for Thomists, by Thomist standards.

MacIntyre holds that his historicist, particularist critique of modernity is consistent with Thomism because of the way that he understands the acquisition of first principles. In chapter 10 pp. The modern account of first principles justifies an approach to philosophy that rejects tradition. The modern liberal individualist approach is anti-traditional.

It denies that our understanding is tradition-constituted and it denies that different cultures may differ in their standards of rationality and justice:. The standpoint of traditions is necessarily at odds with one of the central characteristics of cosmopolitan modernity: the confident belief that all cultural phenomena must be potentially translucent to understanding, that all texts must be capable of being translated into the language which the adherents of modernity speak to one another p.

Modernity does not see tradition as the key that unlocks moral and political understanding, but as a superfluous accumulation of opinions that tend to prejudice moral and political reasoning. Although modernity rejects tradition as a method of moral and political enquiry, MacIntyre finds that it nevertheless bears all the characteristics of a moral and political tradition. MacIntyre identifies the peculiar standards of the liberal tradition in the latter part of chapter 17, and summarizes the story of the liberal tradition at the outset of chapter Liberalism, beginning as a repudiation of tradition in the name of abstract, universal principles of reason, turned itself into a politically embodied power, whose inability to bring its debates on the nature and context of those universal principles to a conclusion has had the unintended effect of transforming liberalism into a tradition p.

MacIntyre rejects both challenges by developing his theory of tradition-constituted and tradition-constitutive rationality on pp. How, then, is one to settle challenges between two traditions? It depends on whether the adherents of either take the challenges of the other tradition seriously. It depends on whether the adherents of either tradition, on seeing a failure in their own tradition are willing to consider an answer offered by their rival p. Such a person might, through some process of reflection on experience and engagement with the claims of one tradition or another, join a tradition whose claims and standards appear compelling, but there is no guarantee of that.

AV had argued that an Aristotelian view of moral philosophy as a study of human action could make sense of the failure of modern moral philosophy while modern liberal individualism could not. First, MacIntyre focuses the critique of modernity on the question of rational justification. Modern epistemology stands or falls on the possibility of Cartesian epistemological first principles. MacIntyre justifies this trade in terms acceptable within the Thomist tradition, and acknowledges that those who find Thomism irrational will find little reason to accept it WJWR P.

This general conclusion remained troubling for Aristotelians, and particularly for those Neo-Thomists whose Neo-Scholastic tradition bore debts to the Cartesian tradition. The central idea of the Gifford Lectures is that philosophers make progress by addressing the shortcomings of traditional narratives about the world, shortcomings that become visible either through the failure of traditional narratives to make sense of experience, or through the introduction of contradictory narratives that prove impossible to dismiss.

The Ninth Edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica — represents the modern tradition of trying to understand the world objectively without the influence of tradition. The Genealogy of Morals , by Friedrich Nietzsche embodies the post-modern tradition of interpreting all traditions as arbitrary impositions of power. Of the three versions of moral enquiry treated in 3RV , only tradition, exemplified in 3RV by the Aristotelian, Thomistic tradition, understands itself as a tradition that looks backward to predecessors in order to understand present questions and move forward.

Encyclopaedia, concerns itself only with present facts, and leaves the problems of intellectual history to others. Genealogy defends an historicist interpretation of the past to undermine what it takes to be irrational moral convictions in the present. MacIntyre argues that Encyclopaedists and Genealogists deceive themselves in their rejections of the method of tradition. Encyclopaedia obscures the role of tradition by presenting the most current conclusions and convictions of a tradition as if they had no history, and as if they represented the final discovery of unalterable truth.

Encyclopaedists focus on the present and ignore the past. Genealogists, on the other hand, focus on the past in order to undermine the claims of the present. In short, Genealogy denies the teleology of human enquiry by denying 1 that historical enquiry has been fruitful, 2 that the enquiring person has a real identity, and 3 that enquiry has a real goal. MacIntyre finds this mode of enquiry incoherent. MacIntyre argues against each of the three Nietzschean uses of history, beginning with the denial of the fruitfulness of the study. If historical narratives are only projections of the interests of historians, then it is difficult to see how this historical narrative can claim to be truthful.

Genealogical moral enquiry cannot make sense of its own claims without exempting those claims from its general critique of similar claims. Genealogy is self-deceiving insofar as it ignores the traditional and teleological character of its enquiry. MacIntyre uses Thomism because it applies the traditional mode of enquiry in a self-conscious manner. Thomistic students learn the work of philosophical enquiry as apprentices in a craft 3RV , p. Tradition differs from both encyclopaedia and genealogy in the way it understands the place of its theories in the history of human enquiry. To justify the claims of a tradition is to recount how the tradition has developed and understood those claims so far.

Tradition is not merely conservative; it remains open to improvement, and in the essay EC, it is Hamlet, not Emma, who exemplifies the traditional mode of enquiry. MacIntyre uses Thomas Aquinas to illustrate the revolutionary potential of traditional enquiry. Thomas was educated in Augustinian theology and Aristotelian philosophy, and through this education he began to see not only the contradictions between the two traditions, but also the strengths and weaknesses that each tradition revealed in the other. His education also helped him to discover a host of questions and problems that had to be answered and solved. Thomas Aquinas, viewed as practicing the traditional mode of enquiry, is one influential practitioner within a tradition and his writings are contributions to that tradition, rather than collections of unassailable final conclusions.

The book is relentlessly practical; its arguments appeal only to experience and to purposes, and to the logic of practical reasoning. DRA does not make metaphysical assertions about the human soul, or human dignity, or human rights, or natural law; it treats the human agent as an animal. Like other intelligent animals, human beings enter life vulnerable, weak, untrained, and unknowing, and face the likelihood of infirmity in sickness and in old age. Like other social animals, humans flourish in groups. We learn to regulate our passions, and to act effectively alone and in concert with others through an education provided within a community. In chapter 8, MacIntyre turns to the moral development of the human agent.

The development of independent practical reason in the human agent requires the moral virtues in at least three ways. The prudent person can judge what must be done in the absence of a rule and can also judge when general norms cannot be applied to particular cases. Flourishing as an independent practical reasoner requires the virtues in a second way, simply because sometimes we need our friends to tell us who we really are.

Independent practical reasoning also requires self-knowledge, but self-knowledge is impossible without the input of others whose judgment provides a reliable touchstone to test our beliefs about ourselves. Self-knowledge therefore requires the virtues that enable an agent to sustain formative relationships and to accept the criticism of trusted friends DRA , p. Human flourishing requires the virtues in a third way, by making it possible to participate in social and political action. The social and political institutions that MacIntyre recommends cannot be identified with the modern nation state or the modern nuclear family.

The nuclear family is too small to allow the self-sufficiency required for the political community that pursues a common good DRA , p. The political structures necessary for human flourishing are essentially local. Welsh mining communities. In the final chapter of DRA , MacIntyre argues that it is impossible to find an external standpoint, because rational enquiry is an essentially social work DRA , p. In , MacIntyre published two new collections of selected essays. Both volumes include valuable prefaces discussing the origin, importance, and intentions of each of the essays.

The first volume, The Tasks of Philosophy , addresses the goals and methods of philosophical enquiry. Five more essays in the first part of the book explore the role of culture in our experience of the world, the problem of relativism, the mistake of ignoring the role of history and personal freedom in the development of individual character, the unity of the human person as an embodied mind, and the failure of modern moral philosophy.

The literature of philosophy addresses questions like these, but whether philosophy can be fruitful for its reader depends on whether philosophers also engage those questions, or set the questions aside to focus on the literature of philosophy instead. From their example, MacIntyre identifies three characteristics of good philosophical writing. First, both were engaged by questions about the ends of life as questioning human beings and not just as philosophers.

Secondly, both Mill and Aquinas understood their speaking and writing as contributing to an ongoing philosophical conversation. Thirdly, it matters that both the end of the conversation and the good of those who participate in it is truth and that the nature of truth, of good, of rational justification, and of meaning therefore have to be central topics of that conversation Tasks , pp. First, any adequate philosophical history or biography must determine whether the authors studied remain engaged with the questions that philosophy studies, or set the questions aside in favor of the answers. Second, any adequate philosophical history or biography must determine whether the authors studied insulated themselves from contact with conflicting worldviews or remained open to learning from every available philosophical approach.

Philosophy is not just a study; it is a practice. Excellence in this practice demands that an author bring her or his struggles with the questions of the ends of philosophy into dialogue with historic and contemporary texts and authors in the hope of making progress in answering those questions. Thomism, caricatured in one way by its twentieth-century promoters through deficient textbooks, misguided ideological projects, and abuse in Church politics, and in another by its detractors as an atavistic attachment to an obsolete worldview, has been increasingly marginalized since the s. All three essays return to the notion of enquiry as action. Setting aside the epistemological fictions that modern philosophers, including NeoThomists, had invented in a misguided effort to counter skepticism, MacIntyre defends Thomistic realism as rational enquiry directed to the discovery of truth.

Essays in the second part investigate the apparent problems of moral dilemmas and the real difficulties of determining whether and when it may be more reasonable to deceive or to lie than to tell the truth. Essays in the third part address the ways that rational enquiry can inform social life. MacIntyre lists three characteristics of the self understanding of a moral agent. J is guilty, not because he knowingly participated in the final solution; MacIntyre allows that J knew nothing about it and that his claim of innocence was sincere. J is guilty because he complacently accepted social structures that he should have questioned, structures that undermined his moral agency.

The Catholic practice of philosophy was left moribund when its practitioners bowed to institutional pressures in the transition from late medieval to early modern philosophy God, Philosophy, Universities , p. MacIntyre credits Pope John Paul II for redefining the Catholic intellectual tradition and its relationship to the teaching authority of the Catholic Church in the encyclical letter Fides et Ratio , and he recommends new research programs to help the Catholic intellectual tradition to make progress in the future.

The epistemological theories of Modern moral philosophy were supposed to provide rational justification for rules, policies, and practical determinations according to abstract universal standards, but MacIntyre has dismissed those theories, not only in AV , but in every major publication of his career. Modern metaethics is supposed to enable its practitioners to step away from the conflicting demands of contending moral traditions and to judge those conflicts from a neutral position, but MacIntyre has rejected this project as well. In his political writings, MacIntyre investigates the role of communities in the formation of effective rational agents, and the impact of political institutions on the lives of communities.

This kind of ethics and politics is appropriately named the ethics of human agency. Virtue ethics developed as an alternative to modern moral theories. Those theories purported to let agents know what they ought to do by providing knowledge of duties and obligations, thus they could be described as theories of moral epistemology. Contemporary virtue ethics proposes an alternative to modern moral theory, but takes for granted that the purpose of ethics is to provide a moral epistemology. Contemporary virtue ethics purports to let agents know what qualities human beings ought to have, and the reasons that we ought to have them, not in terms of our fitness for human agency, but in the same universal, disinterested, non-teleological terms that it inherits from Kant and Mill.

Teleology and Metaphysics: From the beginning of his career, MacIntyre has pursued teleological practical reasoning, rather than utilitarian or deontological moral reasoning. AV criticized Christian voluntarism and divine command theory because it rejected teleological practical reasoning and adopted an arbitrary, legal model of moral reasoning. AV criticized modernity for secularizing the arbitrary, legalistic moral reasoning of Christian voluntarism. The purpose of the constructive argument of the second half of AV is to renew teleological practical reasoning, but MacIntyre attempted to renew Aristotelian teleology while rejecting Aristotelian metaphysics.

The social teleology appeared to have two advantages. MacIntyre grew to reconsider the adequacy of social teleology in the years following AV. In the Prologue to the 3 rd edition , MacIntyre reported that he had accepted from Thomas Aquinas that it was necessary to provide a metaphysical grounding for the social teleology:. It is only because human beings have an end toward which they are directed by reason of their specific nature, that practices, traditions, and the like are able to function as they do. So I discovered that I had, without realizing it, presupposed the truth of something very close to the account of the concept of good that Aquinas gives in question 5 of the first part of the Summa Theologiae p.

DRA is a thoroughly Thomistic work, yet it is relentlessly practical in its argumentation. The book invites its readers to join that work of dialectical construction that might lead them to first principles. DRA does not assert the demands of substantive metaphysics; it invites its readers to discover them, whether they recognize them as such or not. You don't hand over a Muslim to the enemies. Al-Awlaki returned to Yemen in early , where he lived in Shabwah Governorate with his wife and five children. The latter has been included on the UN Committee 's list of individuals belonging to or associated with al-Qaeda. American convert John Walker Lindh and other alumni have been associated with terrorist groups. On August 31, , al-Awlaki was arrested with four others on charges of kidnapping a Shiite teenager for ransom, and participating in an al-Qaeda plot to kidnap a U.

John Negroponte , the U. Director of National Intelligence , told Yemeni officials he did not object to al-Awlaki's detention. His name was on a list of prisoners whose release was sought by al-Qaeda-linked militants in Yemen. According to a Yemeni security official, he was released because he had repented. Moazzam Begg 's Cageprisoners , an organization representing former Guantanamo detainees , campaigned for al-Awlaki's release when he was in prison in Yemen. In December , al-Awlaki sent a communique to the Somali terrorist group, al-Shabaab , congratulating them. He's intelligent, sophisticated, Internet-savvy, and very charismatic. He can sell anything to anyone, and right now he's selling jihad ". Al-Awlaki provided al-Qaeda members in Yemen with the protection of his powerful tribe, the Awlakis, against the government.

The tribal code required it to protect those who seek refuge and assistance. This imperative has greater force when the person is a member of the tribe or a tribesman's friend. The tribe's motto is "We are the sparks of Hell; whoever interferes with us will be burned. Sought by Yemeni authorities who were investigating his al-Qaeda ties, al-Awlaki went into hiding in approximately March , according to his father.

By December , al-Awlaki was on the Yemeni government's most-wanted list. The area has attracted al-Qaeda militants, who seek refuge among local tribes unhappy with Yemen's central government. Yemeni sources originally said al-Awlaki might have been killed in a pre-dawn air strike by Yemeni Air Force fighter jets on a meeting of senior al-Qaeda leaders at a hideout in Rafd in eastern Shabwa, on December 24, But he survived. Al-Shaya said that al-Awlaki was not tied to al-Qaeda. In March , a tape featuring al-Awlaki was released in which he urged Muslims residing in the United States to attack their country of residence. After , al-Awlaki was banned from entering the United Kingdom. He gave video-link talks in England to an Islamic student society at the University of Westminster in September , an arts center in East London in April after the Tower Hamlets council gave its approval , worshippers at the Al Huda Mosque in Bradford , and a dinner of the Cageprisoners organization in September at the Wandsworth Civic Centre in South London.

FBI agents identified al-Awlaki as a known, important "senior recruiter for al Qaeda", and a spiritual motivator. The cases included suicide bombers in the London bombings , radical Islamic terrorists in the Toronto terrorism case , radical Islamic terrorists in the Fort Dix attack plot , the jihadist killer in the Little Rock military recruiting office shooting , and the Times Square bomber. In each case the suspects were devoted to al-Awlaki's message, which they listened to online and on CDs. Al-Awlaki's recorded lectures were heard by Islamist fundamentalists in at least six terror cells in the UK through Al-Awlaki influenced several other extremists to join terrorist organizations overseas and to carry out terrorist attacks in their home countries.

Mohamed Alessa and Carlos Almonte , two American citizens from New Jersey who attempted to travel to Somalia in June to join the al-Qaeda-linked terrorist group Al Shabaab , allegedly watched several al-Awlaki videos and sermons in which he warned of future attacks against Americans in the United States and abroad. In October , Charles Allen , U. Muslims with radical online lectures encouraging terrorist attacks from his new home in Yemen. Fort Hood shooter Nidal Hasan was investigated by the FBI after intelligence agencies intercepted at least 18 e-mails between him and al-Awlaki between December and June Even if he was exchanging recipes, the bureau should have put out an alert.

Army employees were informed of the e-mails, but they didn't perceive any terrorist threat in Hasan's questions. Instead, they viewed them as general questions about spiritual guidance with regard to conflicts between Islam and military service and judged them to be consistent with legitimate mental health research about Muslims in the armed services. He said he "neither ordered nor pressured Hasan to harm Americans. I used to pray with you at the Virginia mosque. Nidal told me: 'I speak with you about issues that I never speak with anyone else.

Shaea said, "Nidal was providing evidence to Anwar, not vice versa. Asked whether Hasan mentioned Fort Hood as a target in his e-mails, Shaea declined to comment. Al-Awlaki said the shooting was acceptable in Islam, however, because it was a form of jihad , as the West began the hostilities with the Muslims. And the soldiers who were killed were Al-Awlaki's e-mail conversations with Hasan were not released, and he was not placed on the FBI Most Wanted list, indicted for treason, or officially named as a co-conspirator with Hasan.

The Wall Street Journal reported in January that al-Awlaki had not "played a direct role" in any of the attacks, and noted he had never been charged with a crime in the US. One of his fellow officers at Fort Hood said Hasan was enthusiastic about al-Awlaki. Representative Pete Hoekstra , the senior Republican on the House Intelligence Committee , said officials in the Obama administration and officials with access to law enforcement information told him the suspect "may have had contact [with al-Awlaki]". NPR reported that according to unnamed U.

Investigators who searched flats connected to Abdulmutallab in London said that he was a "big fan" of al-Awlaki, as al-Awlaki's blog and website had repeatedly been visited from those locations. According to federal sources, Abdulmutallab and al-Awlaki repeatedly communicated with one another in the year prior to the attack. It could be training, a host of things. Others reported that Abdulmutallab met with al-Awlaki in the weeks leading up to the attack. Some of the information Other intelligence linking the two became apparent after the attempted bombing, including communications intercepted by the National Security Agency indicating that the cleric was meeting with "a Nigerian " in preparation for some kind of operation.

Investigators believe he obtained his explosives and received training there. He met there with al-Qaeda members in a house built by al-Awlaki. In January , al-Awlaki acknowledged that he met and spoke with Abdulmutallab in Yemen in the fall of In an interview, al-Awlaki said: "Umar Farouk is one of my students; I had communications with him. And I support what he did. Sharif Mobley had acknowledged contact with Anwar al-Awlaki. The Mobley family claims the contact was for spiritual guidance in further studies of Islam. The Mobley family went to Yemen and resided there for several years. They decided to return to the United States and went to the U. Embassy to update the family travel documents. While waiting for their travel documents, Sharif Mobley was kidnapped by Yemen Security Services and shot on January 26, He was then held in Yemen's Central Prison.

Mobley disappeared from the Central Prison on February 27, Embassy in Yemen currently closed but is withheld from his family and legal advisers based on U. State Department Regulations on "U. Citizens Missing Abroad". There are no charges relating to allegations of "killing a guard during an escape attempt from the hospital" and there are no other legal proceedings against him in Yemen. Faisal Shahzad , convicted of the Times Square car bombing attempt , told interrogators that he was a "fan and follower" of al-Awlaki, and his writings were one of the inspirations for the attack.

Roshonara Choudhry , who stabbed former British Cabinet Minister Stephen Timms in May , and was found guilty of his attempted murder in November , claimed to have become radicalized by listening to online sermons of al-Awlaki. Homeland Security official John Brennan was asked about al-Awlaki's suspected involvement in the plot, he said: "Anybody associated with al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula is a subject of concern.

Ambassador to Yemen Gerald Feierstein said "al-Awlaki was behind the two bombs. Al-Awlaki's father, tribe, and supporters denied his alleged associations with Al-Qaeda and Islamist terrorism. He's not Osama bin Laden, they want to make something out of him that he's not. What do you expect my son to do? There are missiles raining down on the village. He has to hide. But he is not hiding with al-Qaeda; our tribe is protecting him right now. The Yemeni government attempted to get the tribal leaders to release al-Awlaki to their custody. In January , White House lawyers debated whether or not it was legal to kill al-Awlaki, given his U.

By February 4, , the New York Daily News reported that al-Awlaki was "now on a targeting list signed off on by the Obama administration". We will not stand by idly and watch. Whoever risks denouncing our son Awlaki will be the target of Al-Awalik weapons", and gave warning "against co-operating with the Americans" in the capture or killing of al-Awlaki. Unlike bin Laden and al-Zawahiri , he doesn't need subtitles on his videos to indoctrinate and influence young people in the West. Of calling for the truth? Of calling for jihad for the sake of Allah? Of calling to defend the causes of the Islamic nation? State Department to withdraw al-Awlaki's U.

On July 16, the U. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police 's senior counter-terrorism officer Gilles Michaud described him as a "major, major factor in radicalization". In October , U. Congressman Anthony Weiner D-NY urged YouTube to take down al-Awlaki's videos from its website, saying that by hosting al-Awlaki's messages, "We are facilitating the recruitment of homegrown terror.

Al-Awlaki was charged in absentia in Sana'a, Yemen, on November 2 with plotting to kill foreigners and being a member of al-Qaeda. He said that al-Awlaki and Assem had been in contact for months, and that al-Awlaki had encouraged Assem to commit terrorism. In July , al-Awlaki's father, Nasser al-Awlaki, contacted the Center for Constitutional Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union to represent his son in a lawsuit that sought to remove Anwar from the targeted killing list. Among the arguments we'll be making is that, outside actual war zones, the authority to use lethal force is narrowly circumscribed, and preserving the rule of law depends on keeping this authority narrow.

Treasury Department before they can represent their clients in court. The lawyers were granted the license on August 4, Judge John D. Bates dismissed the lawsuit in an page ruling, holding that the father did not have legal standing to bring the lawsuit, and that his claims were judicially unreviewable under the political question doctrine inasmuch as he was questioning a decision that the U. Constitution committed to the political branches. On May 5, , the United States tried but failed to kill al-Awlaki by firing a missile from an unmanned drone at a car in Yemen. On September 30, , al-Awlaki was killed in a U. The occupants of the vehicle spotted the drone and attempted to flee in the vehicle before Hellfire missiles were fired [] Yemen's Defense Ministry announced that al-Awlaki had been killed.

President Barack Obama said:. The death of Awlaki is a major blow to Al-Qaeda's most active operational affiliate. He took the lead in planning and directing efforts to murder innocent Americans Journalist and author Glenn Greenwald argued on Salon. Ohio that "the constitutional guarantees of free speech and free press do not permit a State to forbid or proscribe advocacy of the use of force.

In a letter dated May 22, , to the chairman of the U. Senate Judiciary committee, Patrick J. Leahy , U. Before carrying out the operation that killed al-Aulaqi, senior officials also determined, based on a careful evaluation of the circumstances at the time, that it was not feasible to capture al-Aulaqi. In addition, senior officials determined that the operation would be conducted consistent with applicable law of war principles, including the cardinal principles of 1 necessity — the requirement that the target have definite military value; 2 distinction — the idea that only military objectives may be intentionally targeted and that civilians are protected from being intentionally targeted; 3 proportionality — the notion that the anticipated collateral damage of an action cannot be excessive in relation to the anticipated concrete and direct military advantage; and 4 humanity — a principle that requires us to use weapons that will not inflict unnecessary suffering.

The operation was also undertaken consistent with Yemeni sovereignty. On April 21, , the 2nd U. Circuit Court of Appeal ruled that the Obama administration must release documents justifying its drone killings of foreigners and Americans, including Anwar al-Awlaki. Barron therefore justified the killing as legal, as "the Constitution would not require the government to provide further process".

Seth Jones , who as a political scientist specializes in al-Qaida, considers that the continuing relevance of al-Awlaki is due to his fluency in the English language as well as his charisma, precising that "he had a disarming aura and unnerving confidence, with an easy smile and a soothing, eloquent voice. He stood a lanky six feet, one inch tall, weighed pounds, and had a thick black beard, an oversized nose, and wire-rimmed glasses. He spoke in a clear, almost hypnotic voice. Awlaki's videos and writings remain highly popular on the internet, where they continue to be readily accessible.

Nasser Awlaqi says that "five million preaching tapes of Anwar Awlaqi have been sold in the West. Awlaki's material, including his early, mainstream lectures. Interviews with members of the San Diego mosque showed that Nawaz al-Hazmi, one of the attackers, may have had a private conversation with him. On that basis he was placed under hour surveillance. It was discovered that he regularly patronized prostitutes. Shortly thereafter, he left the United States. They show he wasn't cooperative. And they show that he was under surveillance. The FBI and investigating bodies have not found evidence connecting Anwar al-Awlaki and the attack on September 11, The document referenced does not link Anwar al-Awlaki with any purchase of airline tickets for the hijackers.

Nine other people were killed in the same CIA-initiated attack, including a year-old cousin of Abdulrahman. Abdulrahman was sitting in an open-air cafe in Shabwa when killed. According to U. Abdulrahman al-Awlaki was not known to have any independent connection to terrorism. Nasser al-Awlaki is the father of Anwar and grandfather of Abdulrahman al-Awlaki. Al-Awlaki stated he believed his son had been wrongly accused and was not a member of Al Qaeda. President Obama directly, saying: "I urge the American people to bring the killers to justice. I urge them to expose the hypocrisy of the Nobel Prize laureate.

To some, he may be that. To me and my family, he is nothing more than a child killer. In , Nasser al-Awlaki published [] an op-ed in The New York Times stating that two years after killing his grandson, the Obama administration still declines to provide an explanation. Panetta , challenging the constitutionality of the drone killings of his son and grandson. This lawsuit was dismissed in April by D.

District Court Judge Rosemary M. Tariq al-Dahab , who led al-Qaeda insurgents in Yemen, was a brother-in-law of al-Awlaki. On February 16, , the terrorist organization stated that he had been killed by agents, although media reports contain speculation that he was killed by his brother in a bloody family feud. Al-Awlaki's Islamic education was primarily informal, and consisted of intermittent months with various scholars reading and contemplating Islamic scholarly works.

While imprisoned in Yemen after , al-Awlaki was influenced by the works of Sayyid Qutb , described by The New York Times as an originator of the contemporary "anti-Western Jihadist movement". Terrorism consultant Evan Kohlmann in referred to al-Awlaki as "one of the principal jihadi luminaries for would-be homegrown terrorists. His fluency with English, his unabashed advocacy of jihad and mujahideen organizations, and his Web-savvy approach are a powerful combination.

Al-Awlaki maintained a website and blog on which he shared his views. In "44 Ways to Support Jihad ", posted on his blog in February , al-Awlaki encouraged others to "fight jihad ", and explained how to give money to the mujahideen or their families. Al-Awlaki's sermon encourages others to conduct weapons training, and raise children "on the love of Jihad ". In a video posted to the internet on November 8, , al-Awlaki called for Muslims to kill Americans "without hesitation", and overthrow Arab governments that cooperate with the US. They are the party of the devils", al-Awlaki said.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Yemeni-American imam and suspected Islamist extremist. Anwar al-Awlaki in Yemen in Las Cruces, New Mexico , U. Al Jawf Governorate , Yemen [3]. Colorado State University B. George Washington University Ph. Lecturer cleric imam. Main article: People linked to Anwar al-Awlaki. Main article: Sharif Mobley. Gohel, Asia-Pacific Foundation. Main article: Abdulrahman al-Awlaki. Main article: Nasser al-Awlaki. Main article: Tariq al-Dahab. Main article: Nawar al-Awlaki. Biography portal Islam portal United States portal. Washington, DC: Fox News. Retrieved October 1, The Denver Post. Retrieved December 7, September 30, Fox News.

Associated Press. Archived from the original on July 18, Retrieved July 17, Retrieved on October 1, Star Tribune. Retrieved September 30, BBC News. No matter who you ask, you will get the same answer: dating nowadays is hard. For single expats in Germany, dating is even harder. Online Dating. In a perfect world, you and your soulmate would bump into each other on the streets of Germany, lock eyes, and fall madly in love the next second. Dating Profile. Is online dating easier for single female expats in Germany than for their male counterparts? Dating Tips. Register Login Language: English en.

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