Freedom In Frederick Douglass And Ain T I A Woman?
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Alfre Woodard reads Sojourner Truth
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Suffragists had to choose between insisting on universal rights or accepting the priority of Black male suffrage. As a result, Harper supported the Fifteenth Amendment—this from a fiercely independent woman who believed women were equal, indeed, superior to men in their level of productivity; men were talkers, while women were doers. Their enthusiasm and political engagement within and outside suffrage campaigns was particularly concerning to whites in the post-emancipation South.
Rollin, along with her sisters Frances and Louisa and other local women, figured prominently in Reconstruction politics and woman suffrage campaigns at the local and national levels i n the early s. In certain South Carolina district elections, Black election officials encouraged Black women to vote—an action the Rollins sisters and some other African American women were already assuming or attempting on their own. This failure notwithstanding, they insisted upon and secured an official signed affidavit recognizing that they had attempted to vote. At the same time, they combatted anti-Black discrimination in the southern United States and within the predominantly white national woman suffrage organizations.
Over time, tensions between Stanton, Anthony, and Douglass subsided. The discrimination against Black women in the woman suffrage movement continued as certain white woman suffragist leaders sought southern white male and female support. Figure 3. Ida B. Wells, c. Illustration from I. Purvis also served, from to , as a delegate to the National Woman Suffrage Association. Mossell wrote pro-suffrage articles for the Black press. Purvis, Harper, Mossell, and other Black woman suffragists and reformers argued that intemperance was a major obstacle to racial advancement and that the passage of federal woman suffrage would significantly reduce this and other social ills.
Consequently, African American women and men became increasingly marginalized and discriminated against at woman suffrage meetings, campaigns, and marches. As she later explained to Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other suffragists reprimanded Anthony and other white women activists for giving in to racial prejudice. In New England, Josephine St. Figure 2 In the closing decades of the nineteenth century more Black women formed their own local and regional woman suffrage clubs and, in , the National Association of Colored Women NACW.
Despite the discrimination Black women experienced, including the rejection of Josephine St. Prior to the parade, Wells-Barnett, representing the Alpha Suffrage Club, was asked to march at the rear of the parade rather than with the white Chicago delegation. In keeping with her resistant and radical personality, Wells-Barnett refused to join her fellow Black suffragists at the rear. Instead, as the all-white Chicago delegation passed, Wells-Barnett emerged from the crowd and entered the line between two white Chicago women and marched and with them, as she knew to be just.
Figure 4. Mary B. Talbert, c. Terrell later told Walter White, of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People NAACP , in denouncing the anti-Black stance of Paul and other white woman suffrage leaders, that she believed if white suffrage leaders, including Paul, could pass the amendment without giving Black women the vote, they would—a claim Paul and other white suffragists denied while persisting in organizing white women exclusively in various southern states. When at last the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, African American women voters in the Jim Crow South encountered the very same disfranchisement strategies and anti-Black violence that led to the disfranchisement of Black men, so that Black women had to continue their fight to secure voting privileges, for both men and women.
Racism and discrimination within and outside organized woman suffrage campaigns and anti-Black racial violence forced Black women early on to link their right to vote to the restoration of Black male suffrage and civil rights activism. Following ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, the battle for the vote ended for white women. For African American women the outcome was less clear. Notes: [1] Historian Rosalyn Terborg-Penn categorizes these women as members of the first of three generations of black woman suffragists. Ann D. Gordon et. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, , 10— Also see Dorothy Sterling, ed. White supremacist thinking and strategies were employed to convince white southerners to support woman suffrage.
Henry B. Wells , ed. Alfreda M. Bibliography Brown, Elsa Barkley. Burroughs, Nannie Helen. Coleman, Willi. Collier-Thomas, Bettye. DuRocher, Kristina. Wells: Social Reformer and Activist. New York: Routledge, Giddings, Paula. Leslie Podell launched the Sojourner Truth Project in , creating a website that features multiple versions of the famed speech in an effort to re-introduce the original transcription and capture Truth's voice. Isabella was later sold to John Dumont in Dumont had promised to free Isabella a year before the last of the slaves in New York were to be emancipated on July 4, But the slave owner reportedly reneged on his promise after she injured her hand and lost the ability to perform her regular duties.
So in , Isabella decided to free herself. Isabella legally became free in but not before her youngest son, Peter, was illegally sold and sent to Alabama. She began a process of retrieving her son, seeking and receiving financial support from Ulster County Quakers before entering a complaint with the Ulster County grand jury. She then became a housekeeper for Robert Matthews , also known as Prophet Matthias, who had a reputation as a con man and cult leader. While living at Matthew's estate on the Hudson River in , Pierson suffered a series of seizures, but was denied medical treatment and died.
Matthews was accused of poisoning him. Remembering Battle Creek's black trailblazers. During the trial, Benjamin and Ann Folgers, members of "The Kingdom of Matthias," attempted to implicate Isabella, accusing her of attempting to poison them. After Matthews was acquitted of the murder and Isabella was found to be innocent of being an accomplice, she filed and won a slander lawsuit against the Folgers, becoming the first African-American woman to win a civil case of that sort. It wasn't until June 1, that Isabella shed her slave name, converted to Methodism and became Sojourner Truth.
She traveled east, saying, "The Spirit calls me there, and I must go. She eventually settled in Northampton, Massachusetts in , where she joined the Northampton Association of Education and Industry. It was in this utopian village where she first came into contact with abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison and frequent visitor Frederick Douglass. Though she had generated publicity through her legal victories and memoir, Truth was still not yet widely known beyond the abolitionist and suffragist communities.
Though not a scheduled speaker at the event, she was reportedly welcomed to the stage. The first report of the speech that would come to be known as "Ain't I a Woman? She said she was a woman, and had done as much work in the field as any man here. She had heard much about the equality of the sexes, but would not argue that question. All she could say was, that if she had a pint of intellect and man a quarter, what reason was there why she should not have her pint full [Roars of laughter.
She had ploughed, hoed, dug and could eat as much, if she could get it The power and wit of this remarkable woman convulsed the audience with laughter. However the first complete transcription was published on June 21 in the Salem Anti-Slavery Bugle by Marius Robinson, a friend of Truth who was serving as the recording secretary of the convention. Truth reportedly gave her blessing of the transcription.
In his editorial, Robinson acknowledged it was "impossible to transfer it to paper, or convey any adequate idea of the effect it produced upon the audience. Those only can appreciate it who saw her powerful form, her whole-souled, earnest gesture, and listened to her strong and truthful tones. This version of the speech begins with Truth asking, "May I say a few words? I am a woman's rights. No where in the Robinson transcription is the rhetorical question, "Ain't I a Woman? The more widely-known transcription authored by Gage didn't appear until April 23, Gage, an early leader of the women's right's movement, presided over the conference. She describes "a remarkable woman" in "an anecdote of the weird, wonderful creature, who was at once a marvel and a mystery.
In the story, Truth delivers her words much like that of a mammy caricature. Rhetorically, it's much more interesting. Gage authored the transcription 12 years after the speech in response to an article in the April edition of The Atlantic in which Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote of Truth, titled, " The Lybian Sybol. The famed author of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" recounted a visit from Truth 10 years prior, when Truth requested a blurb about her narrative.
