Analysis Of Mapping The Margins By Kimberle Crenshaw

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Analysis Of Mapping The Margins By Kimberle Crenshaw



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Not problematizing national context, and focusing on one aspect of context at a time, thus ignoring the intersectionality of context, significantly delimits the way in which diversity and DM are regarded in research. Kalonaityte has shown, by studying diversity in Sweden within the context of postcoloniality, how discourses on diversity illuminate the construction of Swedishness and non-Swedishness. Diversity studies should indeed bring context into the analysis and be open to how discourses of diversity construct knowledge about more than difference. Studying the meanings of diversity, difference, and DM in Finland and France, Louvrier treated the socio-historical contexts of Finland and France as discursive constructions, and examined how knowledge about context was key to the construction of diversity and DM.

She showed that meanings of DM are constructed in discursive fields relating diversity to understandings of society, organization, the individual, and the contextual nature of differences. The complexities of the meanings of these are again difficult to understand without a thorough understanding of the specificities of context. Overall, discursive approaches to categorization, difference, diversity, and intersectionality have highlighted the important assumptions that DM practices build upon, but may have also increased uncertainty, perhaps even confusion, within the field: Namely, what is the relationship between DM and discourse?

Is DM a discourse? Or is diversity best seen as rhetoric, metaphor, or theory Kersten ; Kirby and Harter ; Zanoni and Janssens ? Does there exist a discourse of DM, or several such discourses Sinclair ; Tomlinson and Schwabenland ? Is there a managerial discourse of diversity, contrasting to some other type of discourse of diversity? Or is diversity a model Barmes and Ashtiany or a platform for debating identity Holvino and Kamp ?

All these approaches are viable, and all have contributed to critical analysis of the functioning of diversity in different contexts. Interestingly, the findings are often very similar in terms of how diversity is understood, regardless of the defining of diversity as discourse, metaphor, or something else. The field of critical diversity research would, however, benefit from more rigorous usage of terms and consistent usage within specific studies. The most common diversity discourses discussed in the literature are the business discourse and the equality discourse see also Chapter 12 , this volume.

These discourses have long been seen as separate oppositional discourses, identified through their different underlying p. Recently, the separation of these two discourses has, however, been questioned, and it has been suggested that they may indeed intertwine Tomlinson and Schwabenland Diversity discourse should be looked at more broadly, not just through arguments for or against diversity. Discursive studies should be open to identifying the many knowledges diversity discourse produces, which certainly go well beyond the business versus equality arguments for diversity. The concept of intersectionality is also open to many interpretations, ranging from categorical to anti-categorical. Arguably, intersectionality complicates and to an extent demystifies the ideological power of diversity and DM.

While stressing the importance and contribution of thinking on intersectionalities, we do not seek to ignore or downplay single dimensions of difference. This is especially so, as across different geographical spaces signifiers of difference have different meanings, understandings, and legitimacies Metcalfe A related challenge in research on diversity and intersectionality is to maintain a focus on difference without neglecting structured asymmetrical structural power relations Hearn and Parkin , ; Hearn and Collinson ; Holvino In many organizations, particular groups of men are the most powerful actors.

Finally, it is important to note that intersectionality is a very dynamic field, both empirically and theoretically, somewhat in contrast to more static conceptualizations of diversity and DM. Each of these different developments and elaborations of intersectionality, as well as the intersections between them, has further and broader implications still for how diversity and DM are to be understood in theory and practice as multifaceted phenomena. Seen thus, diversity and DM are themselves open to multiple, diverse, intersectional, and often transnational understandings, rather than being a specific and separately identifiable field, with a single purpose or function.

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The law, for CLS scholars, is in part constitutive of class, gender, race, etc. XXIV; emphasis mine. Neither class, nor gender, nor race, etc. The convening produced both further debate and several articles by the emerging race crits about both the salience of race in law and social policy and its erasure in liberal legal ideology. Thus, some CLS scholars leveled the very same attack against the emerging critical theory of race that they had wielded against Marxist instrumentalism. To critics of racialism, prevailing theorizations of race and law seemed to represent law as an instrumental reflection of racial interests in much the same way that vulgar Marxists saw the legal arena as reflecting class interests.

Critical Race Theory , p. As CRT scholars worked to disabuse their fellow critical scholars of this misunderstanding, they were forced to become very clear on their understanding of the nexus of race, racism, and law. Crenshaw, et al. Laws produced racial power not simply through narrowing the scope of, say, of antidiscrimination remedies, nor through racially biased decision-making, but instead, through myriad legal rules, many of them having nothing to do with rules against discrimination, that continued to reproduce structures and practices of racial domination.

In short, we accepted the crit [CLS] emphasis on how law produces and is the product of social power and we cross-cut this theme with an effort to understand this dynamic in the context of race and racism. CRT scholar Devon Carbado explains well:. CRT rejects the view that race precedes law, ideology, and social relations. Instead, Critical Race Theorists conceptualize race as a product of law, ideology, and social relations. According to CRT, the law does not simply reflect ideas about race. According to Patricia Hill Collins,. And rightly so. Historically speaking, the enduring contribution of Karl Marx—that which places him among Weber and Durkheim as the fathers of sociology—was not his specific critique of capitalism, his communist eschatology, or his class dialectic anyhow, but rather his historical materialist critique of the whole; that is, his critical method.

Rather than look to this or that injustice or social ill, Marx examined the whole social order from its material roots. The aim of this activity is not simply to eliminate one or other abuse, for it regards such abuses as necessarily connected with the way in which the social structure is organized. Patricia Hill Collins further explains this critical project in contrast to Marxist philosophy, economics, and politics:. Horkheimer … drew upon Marxist social theory to highlight the missing dimensions of traditional social theory. The historical materialism of Marxist social thought emphasized narrative traditions of history and philosophy, traditions that investigated the meaning of social phenomena.

Yet because Marxist social thought itself advanced structural explanations of social phenomena, and drew upon the same reasoned evidence of traditional social theory, it could be seen as an alternative science of society rather than as a distinctive philosophical tradition. The Frankfurt school intellectuals neither comprised a Marxist school of thought nor aimed to extend Marxism as a philosophy or politics. Instead, Marxist social theory was a visible and important dimension of continental European philosophy, and they adapted this critical theoretical framework for their own project. Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory , Loc. So, is Critical Race Theory Marxist?

To be clear, CRT certainly falls within the Critical tradition, at least in the sense just described. But CRT was likewise forged in contestation with traditional Marxism. Marxists have always taught that racism is either an instrument or a byproduct of class warfare, consistent with the basic Marxist essentialism rejected by both CLS and CRT. In the words of noted Marxist scholar Walter Ben Michaels,.

As quoted in Black Marxism , p. While CRT scholars likewise desire the welfare of all races and classes, they recognize that race, racial hierarchy, and racial subordination are as deeply interdependent with law and society as is class. Follow AlsoACarpenter. First of all, I want to thank and commend you for writing this article. I understand that you might not see me as a serious critic or someone worth engaging with, and yet I hope that you can appreciate that I have attempted to carefully read and learn from your writings even while offering push-back which I am utterly convinced is critical if the conversation is to remain useful for Christian men and women.

I note that you yourself seem to issue a call, even if inadvertently, to challenge much of what Christians would historically have called knowledge:.

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